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As a partisan redistricting war ramps up across the country, Gov. Gavin Newsom has made himself the general of the Democratic insurgency.
The plan to redraw California’s congressional districts to favor Democrats originated as a farfetched retaliatory taunt to Texas on Newsom’s extracurricular podcast. By last week, the governor was headlining a campaign launch rally for the proposal.
Through flashy photo ops, social media trolling and an increasingly pugnacious posture against President Donald Trump, Newsom tied himself to the California redistricting so intrinsically that some are calling it the “Gavinmander.” He’s enjoying a newfound folk hero status among loyal Democrats that could boost a widely expected bid for the presidency in 2028.
“It’s the fearlessness, the fight. I can’t underscore that enough,” said Christale Spain, chair of the Democratic Party in South Carolina, a longtime early primary state. “In this time of Trump 2.0, folks are just looking for a fighter.”
Now, with the outcome of Newsom’s redistricting plan in the hands of the voters in a November special election, his fortunes could rise and fall with his ballot measure.
For Newsom, the goodwill would be punctured by a belly flop on the ballot. For the redistricting proposal, public sentiment about the governor may ultimately be more determinative than lofty arguments about fair elections or protecting democracy.
Opponents are already framing the plan as a power grab by Newsom that undermines the will of the voters — playing on a long-simmering suspicion among Californians that the governor has his eye on the national prize more than solving the state’s problems.
“He’s clearly decided to do this to further his presidential ambitions. He wants to be seen as the person fighting Trump and to galvanize the Democratic base behind him,” Assembly Republican Leader James Gallagher of Chico said. “It’s not about some greater cause. It’s about him and his image and his ambitions.”
Newsom defends the California redistricting as an emergency measure to neutralize Trump’s attempts to rig the outcome of the 2026 midterms.
Earlier this summer, Trump pressured Texas Republicans to redraw the state’s congressional lines to shore up the narrow GOP majority in the U.S. House of Representatives. Their map, which is on track for final approval this week, creates five new Republican-leaning seats — an advantage that could be offset, if the voters approve, by five more Democratic-leaning districts in California.
“It’s not the rule of law, it’s the rule of Don. And we’re standing up to that,” Newsom said Thursday at a press conference where he signed the proclamation declaring the Nov. 4 special election.
“I’m concerned about what Donald Trump is doing,” he told reporters later, “and to the extent that we can provide a pathway to get support for this initiative, I’m going to continue doing everything in my power.”
Newsom’s redistricting risk
Critics, and even some supporters, warn that redistricting is a high-stakes gamble for Newsom. Independent redistricting is popular with California voters.
Newsom, meanwhile, has faced sluggish approval ratings throughout his governorship — though he often gets a lift when in direct confrontation with Trump.
If the ballot measure becomes another referendum on Newsom and then fails in November, it would be a black eye for the governor. Gallagher said it would be “the death knell for his political career.”
But for now Newsom is reaping the rewards of jumping into the fray.
While national Democrats and other liberal states wavered about how to counter Trump, Newsom propelled California into an unprecedented special election in a matter of weeks. It once again made him the national face of the anti-Trump resistance, a position that Newsom has cultivated throughout his governorship but which he set aside earlier this year as he sought the president’s help responding to devastating wildfires in Los Angeles County.
Michael Kolenc, a Democratic political consultant based in Houston, said California’s response is now part of nearly every local story he reads about the Texas redistricting.
“People are appreciative that someone is out there having their back,” he said. “We want someone or something to fight, not fold, in the face of authoritarianism. And I think California and Newsom are filling that void.”
In South Carolina, which Newsom visited last month, Spain said the governor’s response is providing an education for Democrats, who worry Trump will also pressure their overwhelmingly Republican state into redrawing congressional lines.
“This is exactly what Democrats in South Carolina have been waiting for, someone to punch back,” Spain said. “They are inspired by it.”
Kolenc said the breakthrough beyond the state’s borders raises Newsom’s reputation not just with Democratic voters he would need in a presidential primary but also with the insider crowd — advisers, staff, donors, endorsers — who may want to be on his campaign team.
And even if voters ultimately reject the gambit, Kolence said he doesn’t see a downside for Newsom, who can still say he was on the frontlines defending the country against Trump.
“At the end of the day, he’s getting attention, which is what he needs and wants,” Kolenc said.
Trolling in President Trump’s style
In recent weeks, Newsom has taken the battle to the digital sphere in a new way. His social media accounts, and those of his press office, post a relentless stream of fiery rejoinders to the president: aping Trump’s quirky, all-caps style, mocking his looks and his masculinity, and accusing him of cheating to win.
The frankly ridiculous posts — have you seen the AI-generated painting of Kid Rock, Tucker Carlson and the late Hulk Hogan praying over Newsom? — are bringing even more focus to the governor. Fox News commentators have spent considerable time lately wringing their hands over the heavy-handed parody of Trump.
But delighted Democrats argue that it’s effectively making the case for redistricting by reminding voters of the stakes for California, which is frequently in Trump’s crosshairs, if Republicans retain unified control of the federal government.
“A lot of voters also think both parties are the same. And they’re not. The reality is we’re trying to stop what is happening,” state Sen. Aisha Wahab, a Fremont Democrat, said. “Honestly, this is probably what a lot of people think but don’t necessarily say.”
Wahab said the viral trolling is cutting through the apathy that typically surrounds special elections and allowing Newsom to connect with younger voters, as well as Democrats who have felt powerless as Trump swiftly reshaped the country during his first months back in the White House.
“We’ve taken a high road for many, many years as Democrats and as a party. And I think we’re watching that high road actively crumble in front of us and we’ve got to chart a better pathway,” Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, a Culver City Democrat, said. “Where I’m from, when somebody steps up, you step up.”
The question remains: what is Newsom stepping up to?
One way or another, the redistricting campaign ends in less than three months. Newsom will still be the governor of California for another year after that, until the beginning of 2027. It’s a long time to sustain this momentum, especially in an era where the political news cycle moves at lighting speed.
Gallagher, the Assembly Republican leader, predicted that “trying to out-Trump Trump” would not work out for Newsom in the long run.
“He’s obviously not talking about the real issues and the real policies and the things that affect everyday people’s life,” Gallagher said. “That’s been the problem with Gavin since day one. It’s been more about his next big shiny object instead of actually getting shit done.”